Vanquished: 20-Year Old Israeli Plan for Gaza

Palestinians in Gaza, West Bank and East Jerusalem have lived under Israeli occupation since 1967 Six-Day War. In 2005, 21 Israeli settlements in Gaza were unilaterally dismantled and Israeli settlers and army evacuated. The disengagement was proposed in 2003 by Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and approved by the Knesset in February 2005 as the Disengagement Plan Implementation Law (photo: BBC Monitoring).

Category: Featured, Highlights, Middle East, World Affairs Topics: Gaza, Israel, Oslo Accord, Palestine Views: 695

Israel had the perfect plan for Gaza - in fact, for all Palestinians, when it decided to redeploy its forces around the Occupied Gaza Strip in 2005.

Despite statements made, back then, by Israeli officials that the 'disengagement' plan aimed at severing Israel's legal and other responsibilities from its role as an Occupier, the actual story was different.

Dov Weisglass, a top adviser to the late Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, conveyed the real reasons behind the redeployment.

Weisglass knew exactly what he was saying; after all, he was one of the architects of the plan.

But how much of the Israeli plan, as described by Weisglass, was, in fact, implemented? And did the current war in the Strip change those outcomes, as pronounced nearly two decades ago?

"The significance of the disengagement plan is the freezing of the peace process," Weisglass told Haaretz in 2004.

That part has, indeed, been achieved in full. Not only was the so-called peace process frozen, but Israel has, since then, carried out numerous steps to make sure that there is nothing worth negotiating over.

The exponential growth of illegal Jewish settlements, the killing of Palestinians, the desecration of holy sites and the annexation plans made it unrealistic to even suggest that a two state solution is still practically possible.

But why was Israel keen on freezing a 'process' that was futile to begin with?

It was not the peace process that mattered to Israel, but the fact that, so long as such political conversations were still taking place,  the Palestinian political agenda remained relevant.

This logic, long argued by Palestinians, was supported by Weisglass himself, when he said that "When you freeze that process, you prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state, and you prevent a discussion on the refugees, the borders and Jerusalem.”

“Effectively,” he added, “this whole package called the Palestinian state, with all that it entails, has been removed indefinitely from our agenda. And all this with authority and permission. All with a (US) presidential blessing and the ratification of both houses of Congress."

This explains much of what has happened since the senior Israeli officials made those revelations and predictions.

First, is that all Israeli governments, regardless of their ideological or political orientations, remained faithful to the plan, and never engaged in any genuine political conversations on the future of a Palestinian State, the rights of the Palestinians, let alone a just peace.

This indicates that Israel's intentions were not open for debate within the country's political establishment. For Tel Aviv, it was the end of peace efforts, and the start of a new phase, that of entrenching the Occupation.

Second, every US administration since then has either invested in the overall Israeli agenda or disowned the very 'peace process' that the Americans had, themselves, invented and sustained.

This, too, did not happen by chance. Israel had invested much lobbying efforts and diplomacy in dissuading the Americans from continuing to pursue their own agenda.

Not only did the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu get what he wanted, he even managed to convince the Trump Administration in 2017 to follow Israel's own agenda on Jerusalem, on the refugees, on settlements and even on annexation.

The Biden administration did not alter that new grim political reality established by President Donald Trump, even if some of its language appeared to suggest otherwise.

Third, although unwittingly, Weisglass indicated that Israel does not see Palestinians and their struggle as fragments, but as a unified whole. By blocking one aspect of that struggle, the political process, all others are meant to fall apart like pieces of dominos.

The division of Palestinians, along with the ability of Mahmoud Abbas to sustain his Palestinian Authority for all these years despite its failure to achieve anything of substance, allowed Israel to advance its original plan unhindered.

Frustrated by the insistence of many countries, including the US, that Israel must engage in a political process, Israel, instead, decided to ‘disengage’ from Gaza.

"The disengagement is actually formaldehyde," Weisglass said. "It supplies the amount of formaldehyde that is necessary so there will not be a political process with the Palestinians."

The Israeli plan, however, was not a complete success. Palestinians continued to lead a massive campaign of resistance, involving all aspects of society in Gaza, the West Bank and Jerusalem.

And, as was always the case, Israel responded with a massive show of force whenever Palestinians seemed ready to challenge their Israeli jailors.

From the frequent raids on Jenin, Nablus, Jericho to the massive and deadly wars on Gaza, Israel has done everything in its power, not only to crush Palestinians but also to send them a message: no resistance of any kind will be tolerated, and no form of resistance will ever be enough to place Palestine back on Israel’s political agenda, or those of its allies.

A feeling of ‘we won, and you lost’ has pervaded official Israeli institutions and society. Israeli election campaigns seemed entirely disinterested in even discussing the settlements, a Palestinian State, the status of Jerusalem and so on.

Palestinians were still useful, however. The PA served as a line of defense for the ever-growing settlements. And every Palestinian attack against Israeli targets was utilized as  further proof that Israel has no peace partner, thus solidifying the anti-peace position of every Israeli government.

The discussion in the media following the Hamas attack on southern Israel on October 7 focused on the attack itself, on Hamas as a group and, later, although selectively, on the bloodbath created by Israel in Gaza.

But that date was not the start of the war; it is a horrific episode of a war that has already started and is sustained by a very violent Israeli military Occupation and apartheid.

Equally important, regardless of Israeli propaganda and distorted western media coverage, there is no question that Israel has failed.

That failure was initiated by Sharon’s wishful thinking in 2005, and maintained through the illusions and arrogance of every Israeli government ever since.

The truth is that Netanyahu is only a cog in a massive Israeli political machine which aims at dismissing the Palestinian cause, forever.

Even those who insist on supporting Israel at any cost, cannot now genuinely pretend that Palestine is not back on the agenda as the Middle East’s most vital issue. Without a free Palestine, there can never be true peace, security or stability.

Dr. Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan Pappé, is ‘Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak Out’. His other books include ‘My Father was a Freedom Fighter’ and ‘The Last Earth’. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is

  Category: Featured, Highlights, Middle East, World Affairs
  Topics: Gaza, Israel, Oslo Accord, Palestine
Views: 695

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