Amal among Hui Muslims in China: Ritual, Adaptation, and Islamic Identity

In the Qur'an, the Arabic term ʿamal (عمل), meaning deed or act, is frequently paired with īmān (faith), emphasizing the profound connection between belief and righteous conduct. The Qur'anic phrase "those who believe and do righteous deeds" reveals that faith in Islam is not a passive state-it is inherently embodied and actively enacted.

Allah declares:

"Whoever does righteous deeds-whether male or female-while being a believer, We will surely grant them a good life and reward them according to the best of what they used to do" (Qur'an 16:97).

Traditionally, ʿamal refers to acts of worship and moral behavior-prayer, charity, fasting, and ethical conduct-but among China's Hui Muslims, the concept has acquired a broader and more nuanced meaning.

Locally known as Ermaili, Amal has evolved into a multifaceted religious and cultural practice, encompassing ritual gatherings, religious activities, and communal remembrance. It is deeply rooted in Islamic teachings, yet shaped by Chinese cultural sensibilities, reflecting an enduring fusion of faith and form.

Amal, as practiced in Hui Muslim communities, seamlessly weaves Qur'anic recitation, salawat (praise for the Prophet), religious sermons, and communal meals into a ritual framework that marks life-cycle events, commemorates the dead, and reinforces social bonds.

In a predominantly non-Muslim society, it offers Hui Muslims a tangible means of preserving religious identity, transmitting religious knowledge across generations, and nurturing spiritual continuity within a culturally pluralistic environment. The resilience of Amal lies in its capacity to remain theologically grounded in Islam while adapting to local idioms, affirming the unique historical trajectory of Islam in China.

The Hui are descendants of Arab, Persian, and Central Asian Muslims who arrived in China over centuries, married into Han communities, and gradually acculturated to Chinese linguistic and cultural norms while steadfastly retaining Islamic belief systems. Within this context, Amal emerged as a localized expression of religious devotion-one that illustrates the dynamic synthesis of Islamic principles and Chinese social customs.

The origin of Hui Amal is complex and not traceable to Quran and Sunnah. Some scholars attribute its communal forms to Sufi traditions that flourished during the Ming and Qing dynasties, which emphasized dhikr (remembrance of God), poetic recitations, and shrine visits and gatherings.

Others argue for the influence of Buddhist and Daoist ritual patterns, particularly in funerary commemorations. Yet such comparisons, though visually suggestive, are often misleading. Similar practices in other regions-such as majlis tahlil in Malaysia and Indonesia-demonstrate that communal remembrance through Quranic recitation and supplication can be authentically Islamic, even when expressed through culturally specific forms.

What makes Hui Amal distinctive is its strategic indigenization without altering its theological foundations. The core content of these rituals-the recitation of Qur'an and salawat, prayers for divine mercy, and religious sermon-is unmistakably Islamic. Even when outward features echo Chinese customs, the underlying theological intent preserves orthodoxy.

Whether marking a funeral, celebrating a wedding, or observing religious festivals, Hui Amal operates as a living embodiment of Islamic teaching contextualized for Chinese society. It is not a product of syncretism, but of thoughtful adaptation: a way of expressing piety within familiar cultural rhythms while maintaining theological integrity.

Amal takes shape in both personal and communal contexts. In private homes, Hui families host Amal gatherings to commemorate major life events: the birth and naming of children, male circumcision, engagements and marriages, the return from Hajj, and above all, funerals and memorials.

Each event typically involves Qur'an recitation, salawat, and a communal meal. A local Ahong (imam) or Islamic scholar is often invited to lead prayers and, when appropriate, offer a sermon contextualizing the occasion with spiritual reflection.

Among these, post-death memorials are particularly significant-held on the 7th, 14th, 21st, 40th, and 100th days following a person's passing, and annually thereafter. Though these commemorative intervals appear similar to Buddhist or Taoist mourning cycles, Hui Muslims reframe them through Islamic theology, replacing sutras with Qur'anic passages and ancestral rites with prayers for divine mercy.

Beyond the domestic sphere, Amal also assumes a public dimension through mosque-based and shrine-based gatherings. These communal events are organized to honor the Prophet and his family, commemorate key Islamic occasions such as Ashura', memorialize local Sufi leaders, and mourn historical tragedies affecting the Hui community.

While the core structure mirrors family Amal-Quran recitation, salawat, and communal meals-these larger events include extended sermons by guest Ahongs, typically selected by mosque committees from neighboring communities. These sermons, which may last one to two hours, offer Islamic theological guidance, historical reflection, and moral instruction. Such public Amal gatherings serve not only as spiritual exercises but also as forums for community education, solidarity, and the reaffirmation of Islamic values in collective life.

For many Hui Muslims who may not regularly attend Friday prayers or frequent the mosque, group Amal serves as an essential moment of spiritual reconnection. The communal atmosphere, ritual familiarity, and the depth of sermons help renew their sense of faith and belonging. This aspect is particularly significant for Hui Muslim women, who-unlike their counterparts in countries such as Malaysia-often do not have regular access to mosque spaces due to local customs and spatial arrangements.

Group Amal thus becomes one of the rare and invaluable opportunities for them to participate in religious gatherings, receive Islamic instruction, and engage with foundational teachings such as ʿaqīdah and other aspects of Islamic knowledge. Through the sermons delivered by Ahongs during these events, women gain access to religious discourse and community learning, reinforcing their spiritual agency within the bounds of their sociocultural context.

Nevertheless, Amal has not remained uncontested. Since the late 19th century, reformist critiques-particularly from the Yihewani movement influenced by Wahhabi thought-have challenged its legitimacy. Critics argue that fixed-day memorials lack textual basis in the Qur'an or Hadith, that honoring saints risks shirk (associating partners with God), and that ritual practice should be confined to obligatory acts. These objections have led some Hui communities to reduce or modify Amal ceremonies. The recitation of Quran and salawat are separated from communal dinning.

However, the majority of Hui Muslims have preserved Amal in its full cultural form. This adaptive resilience underscores how Amal functions not as a static ritual, but as a living discourse-one that reflects a dynamic interplay between revealed guidance and cultural expression.

Moreover, Amal plays a vital role in Islamic daʿwah and cultural continuity within the domestic sphere. In a religious environment constrained by limited access to formal Islamic education, especially for children, Amal functions as an informal pedagogical space.

Children absorb religious teachings by observing rituals, listening to sermons, and participating in Qur'anic recitation and communal gatherings. Women take on essential responsibilities in preparing food, organizing gatherings, and sustaining ritual practices across generations.

Their often-unseen labor not only supports the smooth functioning of these events but also affirms that piety is enacted through both spiritual devotion and embodied care within the family and community.

Scholars have described Amal as a strategic cultural adaptation, whereby familiar Chinese ritual structures are repurposed to convey and preserve Islamic belief-a form of "Islamic essence within a Chinese shell."

This formulation underscores the deliberate incorporation of Chinese cultural elements by Hui Muslims as a means of preserving Islamic integrity while ensuring its continuity and relevance within China's complex religious and cultural milieu. Amal enables visible expressions of faith, sustains communal memory, and cultivates social harmony without compromising religious boundaries. It embodies a Hui Muslim ethic of coexistence anchored in spiritual conviction.

Furthermore, Amal operates as a mechanism of historical memory and identity assertion. In each gathering-whether commemorating a family member or martyred members of Hui Muslim communities -the Hui community performs its own narrative of belonging and endurance.

These rituals mark Muslim presence in a society where that identity has often been marginalized or politically subdued. Through Amal, Hui Muslims reclaim space, affirm dignity, and demonstrate the vitality of Islamic practice in China. The ritual becomes not only devotional but also political-a quiet act of resistance against invisibility, assimilation, and historical erasure.

The endurance of Amal reflects the broader resilience of Hui Islam. It bridges generations, carries meanings forward, and renews community with each prayer and shared meal. As China's social landscape continues to evolve-through urbanization, state regulation, and shifting cultural norms-Amal remains a vital thread in the fabric of Hui Muslim life. It offers continuity without rigidity, spirituality without insularity, and identity without antagonism.

Through Amal, Hui Muslims enact their faith, embody their history, and sustain their distinctiveness-affirming that righteous deeds are not only sacred, but culturally grounded and communally lived.

The views expressed are those of Dr. Mai Jianjun, Department of Fundamental and Interdisciplinary Studies, AHAS KIRKHS, IIUM, and do not necessarily reflect the views of IslamiCity.